Features » November 14, 2005 » Web Only
Why The Law Is In Shambles
An interview with Chicago labor lawyer, Tom Geoghegan
By Christopher Hayes
Tom Geoghegan
In an age characterized by a surfeit of punditry and a dearth of insight, Tom Geoghegan is a rare gem. A labor lawyer, essayist and author of three books, Geoghegan has opened the door onto a universe of social, legal and political problems that routinely escape the notice of the cable-news talking heads and big-city editorial pages.
Reading his work, one realizes that while the chattering classes have been arguing over how much to water the lawn, the entire house is burning to the ground. In his first three books, Which Side Are You On?, a memoir of his time as a labor lawyer during the Reagan years, The Secret Lives of Citizens, a meditation on the decline of civic involvement, and In America’s Court, a first-person odyssey through the dysfunctional criminal justice system, Geoghegan writes about the law with passion, intelligence and a tragicomic sense of humor. His latest work is The Law In Shambles, a pamphlet from Prickly Paradigm Press. In just over 100 pages, Geoghegan offers a bracing critique of the current state of American jurisprudence. He sat down with In These Times in his Chicago law office to discuss tort law, wounded citizens and the future of social democracy.
So, why is the law in shambles?
With the increase of inequality, people in this country experience the world as more and more arbitrary and they don’t see a connection anymore between their effort and reward. Because of this, we are not going to be able to sustain the legal culture and the respect for law that we used to have. People see themselves not as citizens, but as victims, so there’s less civic trust, more people dropping out of the system. And all of this has an enormously negative impact on a country that thinks of itself as a majoritarian democracy.
Another way to say this would be: predictability is the essence of the law, but more and more my clients see the world as meaningless and arbitrary and they expect the law to be that way too.
It hasn’t always been that way?
Thirty years ago people went to unions and they had their rights protected outside of the courtroom in grievances and arbitrations. The collapse of labor unions is attributed to globalization and there’s a great deal of truth in that, but it was as much for legal and institutional reasons as it was for economic reasons. There are countries, like Germany, that are more exposed to globalization than we are, yet have gone in exactly the opposite direction. People’s rights are more predictable in Germany now than they were 20 years ago because they’ve got more works councils. Their institutional and legal systems drove them in a different direction than ours has.
These changes we’ve seen in our legal doctrine, particularly the decline of unions, have severely undermined people’s ability to have the trust they need to participate in the political process. They’re too wounded to be citizens. This has an auto-catalytic effect because the more people drop out because they can’t be citizens, the harder it is for the rest of us to do it. So we end up on these talk shows screaming at each other because we’re broken as a people. We’re half a body politic.
There’s a line in the Symposium, where Aristophanes says, “What is the tragedy of the human condition? We’re in two sexes instead of one.” The tragedy of the American condition is that we’re two nations, one of which is still trying to participate in the political process, holding on to these old civic values, and the rest, not quite the majority, but soon to become the majority, saying, “We’re not capable of doing what you do.” That’s what the book is about.
As you describe it, the way this rending of the civic fabric plays out in the legal field is that now everything is tort. What does tort mean?
Tort law characterizes the citizen as a victim—the injured party has had some random thing happen beyond his control and goes to court looking for remedy. When I was in law school, tort law was mostly about the car wreck at North and Clark Street. The classic trial practice example is: “The car was driving on North Avenue and it runs on to Clark Avenue, etc.” I thought, “Who cares about this? I didn’t go to law school for this.” I just thought tort law was for goof-balls.
I was much more interested in contract law because it has such an elegant structure. The way most people used to experience the law was contract. Contract law protected our expectations to be treated equally, fairly, rationally, justly. Our job tenure depended upon our performance in some way or another that was predictable. Contract collapsed as the way working people experience the law because we don’t have collective bargaining. Then there was also trust law, which you experienced when you got your job and had a pension. But trust law has also collapsed. Now, you’re out of pension plans; there are no trustees to take care of you, or if there are, they screw you. The charitable institutions now prey on you. The student loan companies and hospitals chase people into court to collect debts.
So with the withdrawal of unions and to some extent the withdrawal of government in regulating the workplace and people’s working lives, everyone feels more like a target. And you react to being a target by suing under civil rights laws that are really [designed to address] tortious wrongs. They’re a kind of attenuated versions of hate crimes that have been inflicted upon “You The Employee,” whether it’s age, race or sex discrimination.
When you had a union contract, this would have been treated informally outside of the courts by arbitrators under a system of objective criteria—”were you a good employee or were you a bad employee?” But now, you’ve got to put your grievence into a different mold, the civil rights tort, where you are trying to prove that instead of “you’re not meeting objective criteria,” somebody is out to inflict egregious injury on you for no reason except some subjective motive.
And the rules of discovery allow you to rifle through people’s files to prove that the boss was “after you” for some deep, dark, evil, malicious motive. That makes the system nuttier and nuttier. It encourages expression of rage. And it forces the legal system to litigate the issue of rage, rather than performance.
In the book, you seem to show the same despair with the courts as the tort-reformers and “strict constructionists” of the right. What do you make of the conservative argument that activist judges have hijacked democracy from voters?
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