Features > November 14, 2005 > Web Only
Why The Law Is In Shambles (cont’d)
It’s so misguided I don’t even know where to begin. It’s misguided because we don’t have a political democracy. If we had one-person one-vote majoritarian democracy, then maybe I’d be more sympathetic, but we’re not a democracy. The country wasn’t set up as a democracy, and it’s an iron cage we can’t get out of.
All sorts of things can’t get resolved through the political process—for example, race. The only way you can break through that is the courts. It’s also true that if you don’t have majoritarian democracy it becomes less and less majoritarian over time. We never had one-person one-vote in any perfect form to begin with, but over the last 200 years we’ve deviated more and more to something that is just bizarre in two ways.
One is the United States Senate, which, thanks to the filibuster, first prevented the New Deal from getting put into place and then dismantled it. It’s the Senate that caused the Civil War. It’s the Senate that kept Jim Crow in effect. It’s the Senate that has stopped any kind of labor law reform. And that was all because of the Senate’s enormous deviation from one-person one-vote. All the essential problems of the United States come down to the fact that we’re not a democracy, and we’re not a democracy because of the way the Senate is set up and the way the Senate works. You go around and talk to liberals who say “Ohhh, the Senate is so wonderful because it protects my individual rights against so-and-so who is going to spy on me.” It’s like having reached other disfunctionalities, a truly dysfunctional political culture then turns to these dysfunctional things to say, “Oh well, we’ll use these other things to keep it from getting worse.” In fact they are contributing to the problem.
And then there’s the Electoral College, which, because of the deadlock in the country, inadvertently ended up pacifying nine-tenths of the country. Everybody’s dropping out because there’s no point in voting except in three states. It’s so destructive.
So the only way to make the system more democratic is through the courts. And you might say, “Well, that’s elitist,” but there’s no other way. When a majority has become pacified and listless and dull, the only way the system is going to change is through [the actions of] some sort of, call it an “elite” or a “minority” or “a group of people getting together and trying to do something.” It sounds odd, but we need the courts to help us restore majority rule.
You suggest in the book that the reason we don’t have majority rule is because of Three Big Facts that are all part of this “dropping-out” of the system. Talk a little about those.
The collapse of unions, which creates a sense of rightlessness, is the big fact for me, and even for most people who weren’t in unions. And it wasn’t just wages. It gave people a stake in their working lives. In multiple ways, the collapse of the labor movement has led to withdrawal from civic life even for non-union people.
The second big fact is the withdrawal from civic life. The voting rate in the 19th century was 80 percent. Then it fluctuated for various reasons, because women got the vote in the ’20s, but it was high again in the ’60s. Since then it’s just gone south, even as you’ve had this enormous enfranchisement of minorities. The drop is really astonishing when you think of all the people that got pushed into the political system. This extends not just to voting, but to having opinions and reading the newspapers and everything else. These things all play on each other, one pushes the other.
So you lose social rights—that’s the labor movement. You lose political rights—people drop out of citizenship. You lose all rights—that’s the prison system, which is total rightlessness, and illegal immigrants. So you’ve got a nation of people in prison and illegal immigrants who are in one way or another, under no rule of law, and we become used to treating them arbitrarily with no accountability.
If I had to classify your politics, I’d say you are a social democrat. In a pretty robust sense.
Yeah, social democrat, you’re right.
You spent some time in Germany and had an affinity or admiration for certain structural features of European social democracies.
I like the SPD, I like the Greens and I even like many of the Christian Democrats.
There’s been some interesting writing lately in conservative circles, where some have argued the future of American conservatism is actually to become more like the Christian Democrats. That in order to have a long-term conservative movement with popular appeal, you need to get rid of this obsession with cutting the state. I’ve also read recently that the era of big government being over is over.
On the other hand, there’s this conventional wisdom in elite circles that we are moving toward this neoliberal light at the end of the tunnel. The unions are dinosaurs, we need to scrap ‘em. All of the machinery of social democracy is going to be consigned to the same dustbin of history that Maoism was consigned to, and that’ll be that. What do you think of the future of social democracy?
I think social democracy is the future, if only for one reason. If you take the existence of the earth as one year, humans showed up 15 seconds to midnight, and our own time has been an nth of that. We’ve already got 6 billion people and we have the greenhouse effect and global warming. I think that if social democracy doesn’t survive as a model for treating each other [well], for regulating economic growth, for not having these huge, horrendous side effects, the planet is not going to survive. So I can predict that either social democracy is the future or we aren’t going to be around to know.
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