Features > May 7, 2007
Making Trade Work for Everyone (cont’d)
Global currency exchange rates, especially the undervalued Chinese currency, also make a big difference, according to Baker and trade economist Robert Scott of the Economic Policy Institute (EPI). “We cut deals,” Scott says, “then countries devalue, and that wipes out everything.” For example, with the Chinese rembini undervalued, Chinese goods are artificially cheap, contributing to China’s huge trade surplus and the record $764 billion United States trade deficit last year.
At the same time, the overvalued dollar makes American products more expensive on the world market. If the dollar declines in value, U.S. exports should be more competitive. But because U.S. multinational corporations have moved so much of their production overseas, the United States has lost some of its ability to take advantage of a weaker dollar. Simply lowering the value of the dollar will not quickly restore America’s exports. Indeed, the dollar’s value has declined sharply for three years, but the trade deficit has continued to soar. The trade deficit could be reduced by greatly constricting the American economy, but the payback for years of trade deficits will pinch hard.
A new political direction on trade would likely lead to a “strategic pause” in pursuit of free trade agreements, which has been advocated by Jeff Faux, distinguished fellow at the EPI. During that pause, the country could evaluate the successes and failures of the past decades, then decide how to move forward, possibly renegotiating past trade agreements according to a different model for the global economy.
False advertising
The momentum for new agreements is fed by relentless projections of the financial gains from trade liberalization. But the economic gains are much smaller for the world economy than free trade apologists have argued. Moreover, the distribution of those gains is skewed. Free traders argue that the vast majority of Americans gain from free trade through lower prices, even if a few people are hit hard by job losses. But the losers from free trade are numerous, and little is done in the United States to compensate or to help any of them.
For example, rather than NAFTA being a win-win-win for Mexico, Canada and the United States, wages of workers in all three countries have stagnated since it was implemented. A study from the New School for Social Research, harshly critical of the models used to estimate trade gains, concluded that full liberalization of world trade would add so little that it “is equivalent to a rounding error in a $44 trillion world economy.” Faux argues that even these studies, by focusing on trade alone, fail to account for both the damage caused by U.S. investment and technology flowing overseas, and the erosion of workers’ bargaining power at home.
The rich, in any case, capture most of the gains from globalization. Academic studies typically conclude that trade accounts for 20 to 40 percent of the recent increase in inequality in the United States. Even the International Monetary Fund found that “labor globalization has negatively affected the share of income going to labor in the advanced economies.” EPI economist Josh Bivens calculates that the median household in the United States was $1,500 poorer in 2005 than it would have been if trade had remained at the 1979 level, even taking into account cheaper prices. Most people, not just the displaced textile or auto workers, are poorer as a result of globalization.
Broadly based and progressively financed policies like national health insurance and better public pensions would help all families hurt by globalization. But workers who lose their jobs permanently—whether from globalization or technology—deserve additional targeted help. Existing programs are narrowly conceived—excluding workers who produce services or most parts suppliers indirectly hit by plant closings. And they are even more narrowly administered: The Bush administration’s Labor Department denies trade adjustment aid to three-fourths of those workers lucky enough to be certified as eligible. What’s more, the programs are stingy and force people quickly into poorly paid jobs.
The United States needs more generous income support and extended training programs, as well as strengthened unemployment insurance, which now covers less than 40 percent of the unemployed and offers pay replacement rates among the lowest in the industrial world.
But current proposals for wage insurance, which would typically pay half the difference between a displaced worker’s old and new jobs, would push workers quickly into inferior jobs with little prospect of creating new skills and better jobs that both workers and the national economy need.
In order to make globalization work for working Americans, Faux argues for policies that make the American economy more competitive (such as promoting manufacturing and investing in research and technology development), strengthen labor unions, expand social benefits, revise NAFTA and negotiate new rules for global trade. Harvard political economy professor Dani Rodrik argues that national governments need more power to craft their own responses to global markets, and that future WTO talks should focus not on further liberalization but on giving both rich and poor nations “policy space” to respond to their citizens’ needs.
It’s possible that the champions of globalization have no interest in serving the needs of citizens. “They never intended it to be good for American workers,” says the Steelworkers’ Gerard. “They intended it to be good for Wall Street and American financiers. The rich have gotten richer, and the rest of us have taken it on the chin.”
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