Features » January 28, 2008
Killer Credit (cont’d)
Despite strong growth in labor productivity, hourly wages for most workers are not keeping up with inflation. In the last 20 years, incomes for the bottom 60 percent of households rose only 5 percent to 15 percent, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics. Meanwhile, the average cost of living shot up 88 percent in that time.
Healthcare costs are a major contributor to this trend. A 2005 Commonwealth Fund study found that 77 million Americans age 19 and older “have difficulty paying medical bills, have accrued medical debt or both.” A Harvard review of 1,771 bankruptcy filings found that illness or medical bills were the cause of half of such filings, and that 75 percent of those who defaulted were initially insured.
But the problem extends further. As legislators disinvest from education, the average cost of college increased 165 percent between 1970 and 2005. In 2006 alone, it rose 6 percent, outpacing wages, inflation or financial aid.
What’s more, the housing bubble pushed prices through the roof, leading to the doubling of median mortgage debt from 1989 to 2004.
Childcare, transportation and food cause concerns, as well. And as personal savings are drained—Garcia estimates they are at the lowest levels since 1934—folks must choose between their plastic safety nets or financial ruin.
These facts were largely ignored when Congress passed the infamous bankruptcy bill of 2005. Restructuring the bankruptcy code was a major priority for credit card companies, as they claimed hundreds of thousands of debtors were frivolously filing for bankruptcy—thus discharging the debts they owed to the banks—when they had the means to cover the unpaid sum. In reality, this was a crisis entirely invented by the banks. The nonpartisan American Bankruptcy Institute estimates that only 3 percent of filers are able to discharge debts they can actually afford.
Mere facts didn’t stop the creditors. In 1997, lobbyists wrote the core of a bill that pushed more people from Chapter 7 bankruptcy into the less forgiving Chapter 13 bankruptcy, which forces households to accept three-year to five-year repayment plans on secured and unsecured debts. Although it stalled in the Senate numerous times, credit card companies and commercial banks pushed hard, donating $25 million and $75 million, respectively, to federal candidates and the political parties between 1999 and 2005. (See graph on page 28.) All that effort paid off in 2005 with so-called reforms that made it increasingly difficult for working households to crawl out from under their arrears.
Continuing crisis?
Although the current debt levels are foreboding enough on their own, last summer’s credit crunch elicits new, more unsettling fears. Like mortgages, credit card debt is often carved up and sold on global debt markets as securities. Since borrowers generally pay back what they owe, that debt has been profitable and safe for traders, which explains the $40 billion increase in securitized credit card debt from September 2005 to 2006.
However, credit cards are showing new signs of stress. When debt was cheap and housing prices were sky-high, many Americans used their homes as piggy banks, borrowing against them to finance both their debts and once-unattainable goods. Now, with the home-equity faucet forcibly shut off, over-leveraged borrowers are forced to find alternative ways to keep up with their bills, often ratcheting up credit card use to compensate.
New data from the Federal Reserve sheds light on this trend. In November 2007, credit card debt surged at an annual rate of 11.3 percent, a six-month high. For a comparison, credit card debt jumped 6.1 percent in 2006, and only 3.1 percent in 2005. Delinquency rates are also on the rise, albeit more slowly. For vulnerable working people, this new debt can be tough to cover.
These developments are problematic because credit card debt is unsecured, meaning no portion of defaults can be salvaged. Yet broader dangers lurk on a macro scale. If those bundled securities of debt decline in value, as mortgage-backed securities did last summer, banks and institutional investors (pensions, mutual funds, hedge funds) could all take a major hit, which could cause comparable damage to the broader economy.
England offers a disturbing precedent. The real estate market there buckled about 18 months ahead of the U.S. collapse. As banks tightened their lending criteria at the end of 2005, credit card delinquencies jumped as much as 50 percent. The British online publication Finance Markets reported that between March and November 2007, at least 10 percent of Britons were denied at least one credit card. The result? The total number of personal bankruptcies is expected to jump to at least 120,000 this year, estimates Grant Thornton, an accounting firm. That’s triple the number in 2004. In a recent poll by the U.K.-based price comparison website uSwitch.com, 23 percent of Brits called their current debt level “unmanageable.”
Like their counterparts overseas, U.S. credit card companies have been dealing with the lack of liquidity in self-interested ways. “Certain banks … don’t have any financial room,” says Manning, “which means they are going to have to squeeze their credit card divisions for even more cash flow to help underwrite the loss of mortgage fees and underwriting fees.”
Consequently, analysts have witnessed interest rates rising, credit limits falling and low teaser rates disappearing—decisions that may add durable stability but will squeeze strapped borrowers in the short term.
“This is affecting people across the board.” says Garcia. “As people feel the subprime crisis, credit card companies are putting additional strain [by raising their] credit card interest rates, which also will increase the amount of economic instability in households.”
Regulatory roadblocks
With the threat of a recession looming, grassroots pressure is building to protect borrowers from the credit card industry’s worst abuses. The most encouraging effort is the formation of Americans for Fairness in Lending AFFIL. Founded in August 2006, AFFIL is an umbrella organization that develops public messaging campaigns for its 18 consumer rights allies, which are free to focus on the nuts and bolts of lobbying and mobilizing. “Our role is to publicize and get out the message,” says Campen, “and hopefully that will lead people to get engaged.”
Some labor unions have stepped up, as well. The Service Employees International Union (SEIU), as part of an initiative targeting banking practices that damage the financial security of working people, is taking aim at Bank of America. According to the union, the bank is creeping up against the federal regulation that prohibits any single bank from controlling more than 10 percent of the country’s deposits.
To counter, SEIU released reform measures for holding Bank of America accountable to consumers. The union also collected reports of racial discrimination in lending, tax evasion and merger-related job cuts as leverage.
Even Congress, which to this point has largely overlooked the consumer debt crisis, is beginning to take action.
Headed by Sen. Carl Levin, (D-Mich.), the Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations had bank officials testify in April and December 2007 to investigate excessive fees and the arbitrary increases in consumers’ interest rates.
In January 2007, the Senate Banking Committee, chaired by Christopher Dodd (D-Conn.), challenged credit card executives to defend rising late fees and predatory marketing.
Two bills have been proposed: a Levin-sponsored Senate bill that would make it harder for creditors to charge hidden fees and bump rates without notice, and a House bill authored by Rep. Mark Udall (D-Colo.) that would amend the Consumer Credit Protection Act to enhance consumer disclosures and protect underage consumers.
Yet neither bill has gotten off the ground, and the prospects aren’t encouraging. Part of the reason is timing: addressing the mortgage mess has preoccupied lawmakers who monitor the financial services industry. The overrepresentation of moneyed interests on the Hill is important, too. The American Bankers Association recently commissioned Jonathan Orszag, co-founder of economics consulting firm Competition Policy Associates and a former economic adviser to President Clinton, to issue a report arguing that federal oversight would be counterproductive.
In the 2006 election cycle, credit companies—JPMorgan Chase, Bank of America, Citibank, Capital One and HSBC—made $7 million in congressional campaign contributions. And it doesn’t help that two leading Senate Democrats, Dodd and Hillary Clinton (D-N.Y.), represent large consumer-banking constituencies.
These roadblocks won’t keep angry borrowers and their advocates from fighting.
But until adequate regulations are put in place to safeguard consumers from their cards, and the need for borrowing is minimized by boosting earnings for working people, Americans will keep answering those mail solicitations.
“Why should anybody be allowed to put out unfair products,” asks AFFIL’s Campen, “which are simply designed to trap the unaware. In theory, we regulate toys, water, food, drugs, and we don’t want to have toxic products in any of those areas. We shouldn’t have toxic credit products either.”
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